To globalise
or not to deglobalise.
That is the question. Vietnam integrated in; the UK partially integrated out. To analyse, we can use the same theories of comparative advantage, trade creation/diversion, sovereignty vs efficiency, just pointing in opposite directions. Click any stat below to see an AO4 point.
The dossiers
Đổi Mới → export superpower
Brexit → partial de-integration
Head-to-head
| Dimension | Vietnam | UK / Brexit |
|---|---|---|
| Direction | Integrating in | Partially integrating out |
| Primary driver | FDI-led export manufacturing | Regulatory sovereignty |
| Growth effect | + large, sustained (avg. GDP growth ~6–7%/yr since 2000s) | − estimated (~4% long-run GDP, OBR) |
| Inequality effect | Falling absolute poverty, rising regional inequality (coast vs interior) | Contested — regional divides pre-date Brexit, may be deepened by lost EU structural funds |
| Main risk | Over-concentration in few MNCs / sectors | Non-tariff barriers reducing SME export viability |
| Trade theory link | Trade creation via new FTAs (CPTPP, EVFTA) | Trade diversion away from EU toward smaller/distant partners |
A* takeaways
Trade creation vs trade diversion, applied both ways
Vietnam’s new FTAs mostly create trade (new, more efficient flows). The UK leaving the EU mostly diverts it (from an efficient nearby partner to smaller distant ones). Same concept, opposite direction — examiners reward spotting this symmetry.
Static costs vs dynamic, long-run effects
Don’t stop at the one-off tariff/NTB cost. Vietnam’s gains and the UK’s OBR-estimated losses are mostly dynamic — productivity, investment, and FDI effects that compound over decades, not a single S-D shift.
Concentration risk is the flip side of FDI-led growth
Export-led growth via a handful of MNCs (Samsung in Vietnam) buys rapid growth but imports fragility. Use this to challenge any essay that treats “more FDI” as an unambiguous good.
GDP doesn’t capture everything traded away
The UK’s sovereignty gains (state aid flexibility, independent trade/immigration policy) sit outside GDP. Explicitly flagging what a headline stat omits is a reliable route to AO4 evaluation marks.
Globalisation is a policy choice, not a single event
Vietnam’s Đổi Mới was sequenced over decades (WTO 2007, CPTPP 2018, EVFTA 2020). Treating “globalisation” as one uniform, irreversible force is a common weak-answer trap — both cases show it’s a series of reversible policy decisions.
The synoptic link: CPTPP
Vietnam (founding member, 2018) and the UK (joined 2023) sit in the same trade bloc from opposite starting points — one of the few real-world links that ties two otherwise unconnected case studies together in a single answer.